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    Home » Niger’s military coup and the fallout, explained
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    Niger’s military coup and the fallout, explained

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    Niger’s military coup and the fallout, explained
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    Niger’s political state of affairs is as unsure as ever, over two weeks after a gaggle of military leaders detained the elected president in a coup.

    Diplomatic efforts on the a part of West African nations and the United States have up to now didn’t encourage the military junta now operating the nation to step down and reinstate President Mohamed Bazoum, as military intervention to reverse the coup turns into more and more possible.

    The Nigerien military has closed its airspace and deployed reinforcements to the capital, remaining defiant as the exterior stress mounts. What comes subsequent — for Niger and the area, which has seen militaries seize energy in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea over the previous three years — is unclear, however the state of affairs has change into more and more dire for Bazoum, his spouse, and his son, who’ve been held hostage of their residence for greater than two weeks.

    This all began at the finish of July, when members of the Nigerien presidential guard seized Bazoum, whereas Gen. Abdourahamane Tchiani, the head of Niger’s presidential guard, declared himself head of a transitional authorities with different members of Niger’s armed forces known as “the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland.”

    That weekend, leaders from the regional financial bloc the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) met in a unprecedented summit and gave Tchiani and the different coup leaders seven days to step down and reinstate Bazoum, with the menace of power ought to they not comply in the timeframe. While that deadline got here and went, this Thursday, ECOWAS activated its standby power to start making ready for the chance of a military intervention, although preparation for such an motion would possible take weeks. Defense chiefs from ECOWAS nations have been set to satisfy in Accra, Ghana Saturday to debate potential intervention methods, however the assembly was reportedly known as off indefinitely for technical causes.

    Meanwhile, ECOWAS chair and Nigerian President Bola Tinubu on Thursday continued to push for a diplomatic decision to the coup, saying after an emergency assembly in Abuja that “all is not lost yet.” The political and financial bloc has already closed the borders between Niger and ECOWAS international locations, instituted a no-fly zone for business flights in and out of the nation, froze the nation’s belongings in ECOWAS central banks and business banks, and instituted a journey ban and asset freeze for these concerned in the coups and their households, amongst different actions.

    But time is operating quick for Bazoum and his household, who’re reportedly with out electrical energy and operating water in Niamey, the place temperatures will hover round 90 levels this week. France 24 reported Saturday that the president’s physician had been permitted to see the household and convey them contemporary meals, one optimistic signal amid the troubling occasions of the previous two weeks.

    Most alarmingly, the junta has threatened to kill Bazoum ought to a military effort to reverse the coup go forward.

    Bazoum was democratically elected in 2021 in Niger’s first peaceable switch of energy, and “remains the only legitimate President of Niger,” as European Union High Representative Josep Borrell mentioned in a press release final week calling on the coup leaders to launch Bazoum. Members of the military concerned in the coup in the meantime warned in a tv deal with Friday of the “consequences that will flow” ought to any overseas forces intervene. The US constructed and helps run an air base in Niger, and France has about 1,500 troops in the nation, in keeping with France24. France, the nation’s former colonial ruler, has known as for “the re-establishment of the democratic institutions of Niger.”

    The EU has already withdrawn funding and military help “with immediate effect” on account of the “unacceptable attack on the integrity of Niger’s republican institutions.” The EU had reserved $554 million of its funds for the 2021 to 2024 interval to help training, governance, and sustainable financial progress, as Al Jazeera reported.

    It’s the fifth profitable military coup in Niger since its independence from France in 1960. A collection of coups has toppled the governments of a number of African international locations over the previous three years, however Niger was a little bit of an outlier amongst its neighbors. Though Niger, like many different West African nations, had suffered from poor financial progress and stunted democratic and public establishments, Bazoum’s tenure produced enhancements in training and public well being, in addition to safety and financial outlooks in contrast with neighbors like Mali and Burkina Faso.

    Last week, Bazoum had explicitly known as for extra worldwide stress, publishing an op-ed in the Washington Post as a self-described “hostage.”

    “Niger is under attack from a military junta that is trying to overthrow our democracy, and I am just one of hundreds of citizens who have been arbitrarily and illegally imprisoned,” he wrote. “If [this coup] succeeds, it will have devastating consequences for our country, our region and the entire world.”

    July’s coup was tenuous — and the final result stays unsure

    Tchiani’s declare to energy rests on the concept that Bazoum’s authorities had didn’t take care of the violent Islamist extremism that has festered in the area over the previous decade. That declare has pushed coups elsewhere in the area, comparable to Mali. Military leaders can current themselves as a robust safety various in unstable and violent nations.

    But in the case of Niger, the safety state of affairs was truly enhancing, particularly in relation to its neighbors in the Sahel area — the band of north-central Africa stretching from northern Senegal to Sudan.

    According to a February report from the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, the overwhelming majority — 90 p.c — of final 12 months’s violent occasions associated to Islamist extremism in the Sahel occurred in Mali and Burkina Faso. And whereas the variety of violent occasions in Niger doubled to 214, the variety of deaths on account of extremism declined by half.

    Approximately 40 p.c of all violent exercise by Islamist teams in Africa happens in the Sahel — greater than every other African area. The terror — abstract executions, kidnappings, rapes, and looting — that teams like the Jama’at Nusrat al Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) coalition, Ansaroul Islam, Ansar Dine, and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) perpetrate is actual, and it’s devastating. But if the conditions in Mali and Burkina Faso are any instance, military rule solely exacerbates the violence.

    Tchiani instructed Nigeriens on a televised deal with days after the junta detained Bazoum that he had taken over to cease “the gradual and inevitable demise” of the nation as a result of “the security approach today has not brought security to the country despite heavy sacrifices.” As Al Jazeera reported, Tchiani instructed Nigeriens that Bazoum had duped them into considering the state of affairs was enhancing, whereas “the harsh reality [is] a pile of dead, displaced, humiliation and frustration.”

    Bazoum had reportedly tried to power Tchiani into retirement, as Daniel Eizenga, a analysis fellow at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, factors out. “The coup justifications have no foundation to stand on in Niger,” Eizenga mentioned, including that the energy seize appears to be on account of “the egotistical motivations of this individual.”

    Indeed, Tchiani didn’t initially have the full help of the armed forces, although he has since commandeered the endorsement of a few of Niger’s military leaders. Civilian protests instantly after Tchiani’s takeover insisted that Bazoum be returned to workplace; nonetheless, as Eizenga instructed Vox, these protests have been violently suppressed by the presidential guard, Tchiani’s unit, making a “chilling effect” towards additional civilian protest. Nigeriens have additionally come out in help of the junta in the capital of Niamey, with coup leaders seizing on anti-colonialist and anti-French sentiments to legitimize their takeover.

    A practice of military rule is proving exhausting to shake

    While coups round the world and in the Sahel area have each broad and particular commonalities, it’s crucial to know the variations between these occasions, Joseph Sany, the vp of the US Institute of Peace’s Africa Center instructed Vox in an interview final 12 months.

    “I hate the term ‘contagion’ because it’s a blanket term,” Sany mentioned at the time. “You can’t put Guinea in the same group as Mali and Burkina Faso.”

    Successful coups typically have some widespread parts like weak democratic establishments, pressure between the military and the civilian authorities, rampant and unpunished corruption, a historical past of coups, and governments unable or unwilling to supply vital companies.

    Niger has a historical past of a politicized military, as do different nations which have undergone undemocratic modifications in authorities over the previous three years. “The recent changes in government, through the coup and counter-coups, is more or less a reflection of the past,” Bonnie Ayodele, a professor of political science at Ekiti State University in Ado Ekiti, Nigeria, instructed Vox in an interview.

    “When you try to change that, there are going to be actors within the military that perceive that as their interests being negatively affected,” Eizenga mentioned. The presidential guard, which Tchiani has headed since 2011, even have a level of affect and autonomy from the common military, which may create a way of exceptionalism.

    Though Russia’s Wagner Group has been linked to military regimes in Mali, the Central African Republic, and probably to Sudan, there’s no proof that the proxy power headed by Yevgeny Prigozhin was a part of July’s coup. Prigozhin did, nonetheless, challenge a press release that appealed to the anti-colonialist sentiment Wagner has stoked in neighboring Mali. “What happened in Niger is nothing other than the struggle of the people of Niger with their colonizers,” Prigozhin posted on Telegram the day after the coup, in keeping with Reuters. “With colonizers who are trying to foist their rules of life on them and their conditions and keep them in the state that Africa was in hundreds of years ago.”

    As Ayodele instructed Vox, threats from France and the EU are unlikely to sway Tchiani and his fellow coup plotters. “It has never deterred them — sanctions, banning them, slamming them with a lot of punishments, it doesn’t work. They did that against the Junta in Mali, they did that against the junta in Burkina Faso […] so I’m not sure this will work.”

    In the quick days after the coup, ECOWAS put all choices on the desk. Benin’s President Patrice Talon, dispatched by ECOWAS Chairman Bola Tinubu to Niger to evaluate the state of affairs on the floor, mentioned in a press release, “I believe that all means will be used if necessary to restore constitutional order in Niger, but the ideal would be for everything to happen in peace and harmony.”

    After ECOWAS leaders met in Nigeria this week, the bloc’s commissioner for political affairs, peace, and safety, Abdel-Fatau Musah, mentioned that “All the elements that would go into any eventual intervention have been worked out here and [are] being refined, including the timing, including the resources needed, and including how and where and when we are going to deploy such a force.” The junta vowed to answer any intervention with “an immediate and unannounced response by Niger’s defense and security forces.” And intervention wouldn’t assure a return to civilian rule.

    “There is a protocol that many West African countries have signed to with regards to unconstitutional changes in government, that that particular country is no longer part of ECOWAS bloc,” Ayodele instructed Vox. “But we’ve seen some of these countries relapse into a military regime again, and ECOWAS is incapacitated to respond in a way that can bring about a democratic regime.”

    President Bazoum has refused to resign and has broad and forceful help not solely from Western nations however inside ECOWAS and the African Union.

    And it’s these blocs and African nations, notably Nigeria, which have a robust curiosity in returning civilian rule to Niger. Even deeply flawed civilian regimes are higher than military rule, and garner extra worldwide help whereas additionally being extra secure and much less violent. If Niger’s coup may be overturned or reversed, it could ship a robust sign of help for civilian authorities in Africa and would assist to reverse latest democratic backsliding. Any intervention, nonetheless, would threat huge violence, hazard to civilians, and extra instability.

    For now, the junta stays defiant.

    Update, August 7, 11:50 am ET: This story was initially printed on July 29 and has been up to date a number of instances, most not too long ago to incorporate particulars about ECOWAS’ deadline expiring and developments in Niger.

    Update, August 12, 11:36 am ET: This story has been up to date to incorporate particulars of the standing of President Mohamed Bazoum and ECOWAS’ indefinite delay of military motion.

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